In a span of mere years, Canada’s far-right movement has significantly deepened its roots and demonstrably broadened its capacity to shape public discourse. This evolution is marked by a strategic embrace of traditional right-wing values, a tactic that has become increasingly visible in mainstream political arenas. One of the most striking examples of this trend was observed during the last federal election, where Conservative leader Pierre Poilievre diverged from established norms by actively campaigning in numerous evangelical churches, a commitment so pronounced that he visited three such congregations in a single day. More recently, Conservative MP Jamil Jivani concluded his "Restore the North" tour of universities. This initiative, explicitly modelled on the approach of the late American conservative firebrand Charlie Kirk, saw political figures echoing a narrative of national decline. Both Poilievre and Jivani articulated themes of governmental bloat, "radical open border policies," and a permissive approach to crime, collectively described as a "catch and release" strategy, to argue that Canada was "broken."
While the Trump administration’s tenure in the United States was characterized by persistent critiques of immigrants, academic institutions, the judiciary, and the civil service, provoking widespread global concern, many Canadians may have felt a sense of relief, perhaps even smugness, believing their nation had successfully sidestepped the far-right currents that had engulfed their southern neighbours. The perception of Canadian exceptionalism was further bolstered by the fact that Poilievre ultimately lost an election he was widely expected to win at its outset. However, this complacency is increasingly being challenged by university researchers across the country. They caution that as national attention remains fixed on developments south of the border, influential groups such as Christian nationalists, white supremacists, and pro-patriarchy/anti-LGBTQ2S+ organizations are quietly organizing, consolidating their influence, and even achieving tangible successes within mainstream politics.
"After the border blockade and the truckers’ convoy, you would think there would be a stronger sense that we’re not immune to far-right rhetoric," explained Lisa Gasson-Gardner, an assistant professor of Religious Studies at Mount Royal University. "Yet, there is this pervasive sense that, by virtue of being different than the U.S. and having a stronger sense of a pluralistic multicultural society, we’re safe." This perception, however, is being increasingly called into question by the observable activities and political impact of these groups.
The Rise of Action4Canada and the Book Ban Debate
Dr. Gasson-Gardner points to the burgeoning influence of Action4Canada as one of the most potent indicators that this assumption of safety is unfounded. Originating from opposition to pandemic-era mandates concerning vaccines, masking, and lockdowns, the movement has since expanded its agenda to encompass a wide array of fringe anti-government and "anti-woke" talking points. These include anxieties surrounding "political Islam," concerns about "15-minute city" policies, and objections to gender identity education in schools.
In the fall of the previous year, Action4Canada, under the leadership of Tanya Gaw, engaged with the Alberta government. A key request from the group was the removal of "explicit" books from school curricula, with a particular focus on LGBTQ2S+ graphic novels intended for young readers. In response, the Alberta government subsequently announced a policy that effectively amounted to an explicit book ban. A provincial government spokesperson stated that the decision was a reaction to parental concerns, but crucially, acknowledged that Action4Canada "helped us get a better understanding of materials that were available in schools."
Further investigation by the Investigative Journalism Foundation (IJF) revealed that a list of prospective books for banning, which included four graphic novels publicly highlighted by Alberta officials, was provided to the government by at least two social conservative activist organizations: Parents for Choice in Education (PCE) and Action4Canada. Although the provincial government later modified its ban, narrowing its scope from written content to visual depictions, the underlying movement to restrict access to certain books is seen by Dr. Gasson-Gardner as clear "evidence that Christian nationalists are becoming politically effective in Canada." Her research, spanning two decades of studying Canadian and American apocalyptic Christians, indicates that many of the outcomes they had long hoped for and prayed for are now manifesting.
Escalating Hate Crimes and Shifting Social Norms
Beyond the organized activism of groups like Action4Canada, more entrenched societal shifts are also evident. Statistics Canada reported a more than doubling of police-reported hate crimes nationally between 2019 and 2023. Research has established a correlation between this rise in hate crimes and the increasing mainstreaming of far-right, anti-immigrant, and white supremacist ideologies.
This trend is also reflected in legislative and social developments. In 2023 and 2024, Saskatchewan and Alberta respectively enacted legislation requiring parental consent for children to be addressed by their preferred pronouns in schools. Concurrently, a survey of over 35,000 Quebec high school students revealed a significant increase in discomfort with their peers identifying as lesbian and gay. In 2023, 34% of students reported discomfort with a best friend identifying as lesbian, and 40% with a best friend identifying as gay, compared to 15% and 25% respectively seven years prior. These figures suggest a concerning shift in attitudes among young people, potentially influenced by broader societal trends and online discourse.
The Decentralized and Digitally Savvy Far-Right
Dr. Gasson-Gardner is among a growing cohort of Canadian university researchers dedicated to understanding the evolution, tactics, and societal impact of far-right movements. While their disciplines vary—spanning criminology, political science, sociology, and religious studies—these academics share a common understanding that contemporary far-right movements are characterized by their decentralized nature, sophisticated digital connectivity, and a sharp political and cultural acumen. Collectively, these researchers are actively working to counter extremism and raise public awareness about the risks posed by these networks.
Barbara Perry, Director of the Centre for Hate, Bias and Extremism at Ontario Tech University, has observed a marked increase in the number of registered far-right groups operating in Canada. An environmental scan conducted in 2020 identified 300 active far-right groups; however, her team’s ongoing tracking project suggests this number may now be higher. Their meticulous methodology, which includes scrutinizing media reports, social media platforms, and conducting interviews with law enforcement and individuals with direct experience in extremist networks, allows for a more comprehensive understanding of this landscape. While Dr. Perry acknowledges that detection bias might partially account for the perceived increase—given her team’s growth and enhanced methods—the trend itself is undeniable.
Strategic Messaging and "Big Tent" Coalitions
A critical differentiator between the organizational strategies of far-right groups today and those of a decade ago lies in their adeptness at "hijacking broad-appeal concerns or preoccupations of the Canadian public," according to Stéphane Leman-Langlois, a professor of criminology at the Université Laval. Echoing the strategies of American figures like Andrew Breitbart and Steve Bannon, Canadian far-right organizers increasingly link pressing issues such as youth unemployment or the escalating cost of housing to immigration policies. This tactic allows them to tap into widespread public anxieties and channel them towards a specific, often scapegoated, group.
Dr. Perry further highlights the case of Jeremy McKenzie, the founder of the far-right group Diagalon and more recently, Second Sons Canada. McKenzie’s relocation from Saskatchewan to Nova Scotia exemplifies this strategy, as he has actively exploited existing tensions surrounding Indigenous fishing rights and the demographic shifts brought about by the recent growth in visible minority populations. A notable incident in November saw approximately 30 men, all dressed in black, associated with Second Sons, assemble under an overpass in London, Ontario, displaying a banner that read: "REMIGRATION NOW." This action directly invokes themes of anti-immigration sentiment and racial purity, linking it to broader nationalistic and potentially ethno-nationalist agendas.
Far-right groups are also consolidating their power through the formation of "big tent" coalitions, a departure from the more fragmented and ideologically insular groups of the past. "It’s different than what we were seeing [in the] early days, when there were a lot of pissing contests between the different groups about whether they should call themselves white nationalist, white supremacist, or identitarian. We’re now seeing much more coalition building," Dr. Perry stated. The Freedom Convoy, which saw disparate groups unite against COVID-19 policies, served as a prominent precursor to this trend.
More recently, the Million Moms March has mobilized significant cross-Canada rallies, bringing together conservative individuals from Muslim, Christian, and other backgrounds. These marches ostensibly oppose curriculum content related to sexual orientation and gender identity in schools. This coalition effectively capitalizes on the discomfort some parents feel regarding the increased visibility of gender-diverse and gender-fluid identities. By framing their concerns as a defense against "radical queer ideologues" who are purportedly confusing schoolchildren, they lend a sense of legitimacy to their opposition and create a clear target for their activism.
The Power of Palatable Messaging and Digital Narratives
While many far-right groups openly espouse hateful ideologies, an increasing number are adept at packaging their rhetoric in more palatable and socially acceptable terms. Instead of overt homophobia or transphobia, they may frame their activism as a defense of "parental rights." This framing, however, obscures the reality that such movements often champion the rights of only a specific segment of parents—those who wish to prevent children from expressing gender non-conformity—while neglecting or actively opposing the rights of parents who seek to support their transgender children.
The seemingly disparate focus of far-right groups, shifting from vaccine conspiracies to immigration and then to gender ideology, can be understood within the context of today’s hyper-online environment. As Dr. Leman-Langlois explains, online presence and engagement often matter more than a rigidly coherent worldview. Individuals tend to engage with content that resonates with their existing concerns or beliefs, inadvertently training algorithms to amplify these issues. This allows far-right groups to run multiple campaigns simultaneously, microtargeting specific demographics and regions with tailored messages. Such online strategies enable extremist groups to "set up their roots on the internet and have antenna into various social preoccupations and movements."
The impact of these groups does not necessitate complete adherence to their entire ideology. Even seemingly minor actions, such as attending a rally, writing a letter to a politician, or sharing an article, contribute to widening the Overton window—the range of ideas considered acceptable within a society. Dr. Perry notes a fundamental coherence underlying far-right ideology, which often links anti-trans, anti-immigrant, and anti-feminist rhetoric. Referencing the white supremacist slogan, "We must secure the existence of our people and a future for white children" (the "14 Words"), she argues that this ideology inherently implies a desire to maintain racial "purity" and enforce specific norms around gender and sexuality, particularly concerning white women’s relationships.
Meme Culture and the Commodification of Ideology
In addition to coalition-building, strategic messaging, and digital microtargeting, far-right groups are effectively leveraging meme culture to disseminate their ideas. As Andrew Breitbart famously stated, "Politics is downstream from culture." Samuel Tanner, a professor of criminology at the University of Montreal and co-author of The Great Right North: Inside Far Right Activism in Canada, explains that embedding ideas within internet or pop culture references "makes it easier to be swallowed." The appropriation of the Pepe the Frog comic character by far-right groups, transforming a seemingly innocuous character into a symbol endorsing pro-Trump, anti-immigrant, and even Nazi viewpoints, serves as a prime example of this strategy.
Far-right meme culture is often propelled by a relatively small cadre of social media influencers. The popularity of "men’s rights" influencers, who claim men are victims of feminism, and "trad wives," who advocate for submissive female gender roles focused on domesticity and child-rearing, exemplifies this phenomenon. These influencers understand that provocative and entertaining content garners greater viewership and, consequently, financial rewards.
Other far-right cultural references gain traction through more grassroots mechanisms. "Sigma culture," which promotes an image of a "lone wolf," emotionally detached yet confident and ambitious male, originated from a song by Russian teenagers but has rapidly evolved into a ubiquitous Gen Z slang term. This adoption allows young people to embrace a particular, and arguably outdated, gender stereotype. Dr. Tanner attributes the shifting views on gender and sexuality among young people, as evidenced by the Quebec survey showing a rise in homophobic sentiments, in part to these social media influencers and meme cultures. "These numbers puzzled us, and this is where we started to study pop culture and social media," he remarked.
An analysis of over 950 TikTok videos, published in early 2025, by Dr. Tanner and his colleague François Gillardin demonstrated how "sigma" videos employ humor and subtlety to promote male dominance and perpetuate harmful stereotypes about women. Dr. Tanner’s current research focuses on how the content and format of "trad wife" and "menfluencer" videos advance patriarchal ideals in a manner perceived as counter-cultural and appealing to youth.
Strategies for Countering Far-Right Ideology
The challenge of countering amorphous far-right ideology, particularly as it expands online and exploits regional and identity-based grievances, is significant. Dr. Leman-Langlois advocates for proactive strategies that not only counter far-right messaging in ways that resonate with younger audiences but also encourage community-based organizations to engage with individuals exhibiting extremist tendencies. He stresses the importance of providing accessible pathways for those seeking to disengage from radical ideologies. "You might think the trad wife movement sounds pretty innocuous, but as you become entrenched in progressively more radical thinking, if that crosses a line somewhere for you, do you have resources that you could turn to?" he posed.
Dr. Perry emphasizes the efficacy of one-on-one conversations that address the underlying emotions driving individuals towards far-right ideas. "People are angry, they’re afraid," she observed, noting that individuals often latch onto ideologies that provide an outlet for these emotions without rigorous critical examination. In such contexts, she advises, "it’s much more important to ask questions than to lecture." This non-confrontational approach encourages critical self-reflection. "That’s also something that the labour movement can be doing—reminding people how to have a dialogue, because we’ve lost that capacity. We’re often talking at one another rather than with one another."
Recognizing that men who feel isolated are particularly vulnerable to far-right hate, Dr. Perry highlights the importance of providing not only a space for questioning beliefs but also comprehensive "wraparound supports." These include educational and job opportunities, as well as connections to positive social networks. Organizations such as Life After Hate, Yorktown Family Services, and the Organization for the Prevention of Violence are cited as exemplars of this vital work. Proactively, educational institutions can equip students with the skills to discern factual information from propaganda and critically assess narratives that scapegoat specific populations for societal problems.
Women have increasingly taken prominent roles in far-right movements across North America, including figures like Freedom Convoy organizer Tamara Lich and Action4Canada founder Tanya Gaw. Dr. Perry notes that they often employ a "gentler, but no less persuasive, form of bringing people to the movement." However, any approach to addressing far-right hate must acknowledge that men disproportionately commit hate-driven violence. This reality is underscored by tragic events such as the 2017 Quebec City mosque attack, the 2018 Toronto van attack, and the 2021 killing of a multigenerational Muslim family in London, Ontario.
In the past year, reports have emerged regarding the rise of white supremacist-operated "active clubs" in Canada. These clubs attract young men by offering a sense of social belonging and promising self-improvement, while simultaneously indoctrinating them to prepare for racial conflict. Dr. Tanner asserts that there is a clear need for improved approaches to how boys are raised, noting that many still receive the damaging message that they "aren’t allowed to cry, they aren’t allowed to show any weakness, and this is totally toxic." Dr. Perry commends the efforts of community leaders and organizations promoting "alternative masculinities" and calls for these initiatives to be more widely adopted, particularly for adolescent boys exposed to TikTok videos that promote male-dominant cultures through humor and pop culture references.
On a broader societal level, Dr. Gasson-Gardner recommends that progressive forces enhance their storytelling capabilities to help individuals comprehend complex economic and societal shifts. She observes that far-right organizers are effective partly because they disseminate false, yet emotionally resonant, narratives to explain issues like the housing crisis or youth unemployment. Progressive movements, she argues, must provide compelling explanations for the growing concentration of wealth that speak to people’s emotions. Furthermore, they need to articulate a more inclusive vision of Canadian identity, one that counters the far-right narrative of Canada as a solely white, Christian nation. As Dr. Gasson-Gardner emphasizes, "we need stories of what it means to be a diverse collective that supports each other."
